Shels Sea of Dying Dhow Texts
Somalia - history and background
a brief history of the country and its economy
Gttingen, August 2011
TABLE OF CONTENTS: 0. Introduction 1. History of Somalia 1.1 Pre-colonial history - sea-centered 1.2 History of the hinterland 1.3 Colonial history 1.4 The camel is milked 1.5 Siyadism 1.6 Post-Siyadic conditions 1.7 The New Millennium 1.8 (Relative) Militia-free zones 1.9 An informal economy 2. Pirates 2.1 The First major outbreaks 2.2 Pirate fishermen and special waste 2.3 The beginnings of private maritime violence 2.4 Attempts at coastal protection 2.5 The second wave 2.6 Modus operandi 2.7 The postmodern armada 2.8 Legal problems 2.9 Model pirates 2.10 Somali pirates 3. Brief comments on a criticism of the anti-pirate economy 3.1 Pitfalls 3.2 Private maritime violence and plunder mentalities 3.3 Somali pirates II
Abbreviations Bibliography Illustrations: Somalia Clan Territories Oman and Surroundings 2 6 37 75 76
2 3 3 4 8 14 12 18 23 28 31 35 36 38 40 43 44 50 55 56 62 66 69 69 71 73
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0. INTRODUCTION SOMALIA AND PIRACY
Our history books say, for example, that France conquered Algiers to defend itself against piracy by Muslim crooks. But they do not tell us that the North African kingdoms, in turn, were victims of European piracy, which prevented them from developing normal trade, and forced them to corsair (Josep Fortuna).
After the Second World War, piracy was
like the dinosaurs, as extinct, as a relic from the era of sailing ships. Around 1975 the world only knew pirates as protagonists of more or less fictional stories from books and films. But in the last quarter of the 20th century there was a surprising renaissance. Refugees from Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia were robbed in the middle of the sea in the Gulf of Thailand, and gradually, in parallel with shipping traffic that increased due to globalization, Southeast Asia, especially the Straits of Malacca, became a modern hotspot of piracy. For a few years now, the focus of postmodern piracy has shifted westwards, to Somalia. If it weren't for the Somali pirates, Somalia could be on Mars instead of the Horn of Africa1; Just as little is known about the red planet, the informed public knows only a few incoherent facts about Somalia: David Bowie is married to a Somali model, in 1977 German elite units poured into the Landshut at Mogadishu airport, the Oscar-winning propaganda film Black Hawk Down takes place in the Somali capital, Waris Dirie (the desert flower) drew the world's attention to the common practice of mutilation of the female genital organs (not only) in Somalia, during the 2006 soccer World Cup in Germany, Islamists banned soccer broadcasts, German warships are cruising off Somalia, and the pirates have hijacked the world’s consciousness.
The fact that Somalia was a topic in local newspapers in a different context than piracy itself in the summer of 2011 does not contradict its Martian character: the terrible famine is one of the humanitarian and natural disasters that the cultural-industrial media nourishes like hyenas of carrion and that they never do can do without. News usually abstract from the political, societal and social context in which what they present to the public was created, that the famine in Sdsomalia had been foreseeable for months because the people had suffered from a drought of the century since the beginning of the year and that it had social causes , are rarely used by the public media.
Those who are not satisfied with sporadic reports about spectacular captures, hostage liberations, deaths and ransoms, but rather understand Somali piracy as an expression of the social, societal and political conditions in Somalia (and as a locally-specific reaction to the triumphant advance of post-Fordist capitalism) Tried, faces difficulties similar to those of those radio teachers in New York in 1938 who heard a listening game about an attack by Martians on Earth and could not tell the difference between reality and fiction. In many ways, Somali society is so unique that without a minimum of background information (Spilker 2008, 9), neither the current situation nor the piracy in the Horn of Africa can be understood. Since the pirates do not operate in an ahistorical vacuum, some detours are necessary to (preliminary) understand Somali piracy. First it is about the history of Somalia2 and the social structure of Somalia, exotic according to western or state-fixated standards, in which nomads make up the majority of the population. The historical digression begins with an excursion into the pre-colonial history of Somalia (Chapters 1.1 and 1.2). This is followed by a brief introduction to the colonial era (Section 1.3). The next chapter describes the first phase of independent Somalia, chapter 1.5 is devoted to the dictatorship of Siyad Barres (1969-1991). After the fall of the dictator, Somalia was divided into three parts: the history of the fighting in South Somalia and Mogadishu, which continues to this day, is discussed in Chapters 1.6 and 1.7, while Chapter 1.8 focuses on developments in Puntland and Somaliland , two virtually independent parts of the country since 1991. In the last chapter the attempt is made to sketch the economy in a society without a state on the basis of insufficient sources and news. The main section (part 2) revolves around Somali piracy, and the final section (part 3) attempts to place it in the mainstream of pirate history.
1. A BRIEF HISTORY OF SOMALIA
1.1 PRE-COLONIAL HISTORY SEA CENTER
The coast was already spanned by the East African Ocean. around the turn of the times it was integrated into the supraregional sea trade network, the every western Indian. From around 800, Islamic traders targeted it (Ptak 2007, 144). year
God first created the family of the Prophet Mohammed and was very pleased with the noble result of his work. Then he created the rest of humanity and was delighted. At last he created the Somalis and had to laugh at the result of his creation (Somali legend).
a fleet was equipped on the Persian Gulf (Chaudhuri 1985, 39), which headed for Mogadishu, Malindi, Mombasa, Zanzibar, Kilwa and Sofala; It is not known whether the merchant ships remained within sight of the coast (Hourani 1995, 80) or sailed across the Indian Ocean. Arab and Persian Muslims settled in East Africa, an Indian influence was not to be overlooked. The East African coast from Sofala to Mogadishu, Islamized since the 12th century at the latest, was shaped by a contrast between the maritime emporia and their hinterland, which at times resulted in open hostility when the Arab world imported black slaves, Zanj, some of them were shipped north via East African ports. Mogadishu was mentioned in writing for the first time in Arabic sources from the first half of the 13th century 4: the talk was of a city on the Zanj Sea, in which Muslims lived, who differed from the population in the area. In 1331 Ibn Battuta set off from Aden to Zeila and sailed from there on a dhow to Mogadishu 5. At that time, the city was the center of a sultanate, which also included the coastal towns of Merka and Brawa further south and the hinterland
The history of Somalia is rarely received, there is little printed or published material (certainly not reliable), and it is plowed by two academic disciplines: history and ethnology. The more recent history of the individual parts of ex-Somalia can only be found in rather remote places on the Internet: full-time and part-time UN consultants write more or less official reports, the military sometimes sponsors research (there are probably no German contributions), and some critical ones Voices cannot be touched thanks to the Internet. Reports on the famine in the Horn of Africa are regularly illustrated in the Tagesschau, for example, by a map showing Somalia within the borders of 1960, which are no longer current. A seaman's handbook shows that in the 1st century AD traders from Sdarabia and the Red Sea traveled along the East African coast to Rhapta, which must have been somewhere in present-day Kenya or Tanzania (Iliffe 2000, 74). Al-Idrisi (d. 1166) and al-Hamani (d. 1229) are said to have described the coastal towns of Sdsomalia. An Italian archologist claimed at the beginning of the last century that the ruins of a city in the Mogadishu area were the remains of a Phnetic settlement. A historian from Cairo University believes that Mogadishu was conquered by Muslims at the beginning of the eighth century. During the caliphate of Mr. ar-Rashid, Mogadishu reportedly refused to pay taxes to the caliph; although he sent a punitive expedition to the area (), Mogadishu remained in a state of constant rebellion (Mukhtar 1995, 4). He then traveled on to Kilwa, where his journey south ended. There the sultan was busy with a jihd against the people of the hinterland: he liked armed forays through the Zanj countries. He plundered them and made a lot of booty (Ibn Battuta, quoted in Hall 1988, 62) and caught slaves for export.
controlled (Hhne 2007a, 20). Ibn Battuta was (like the Portuguese two centuries later) surprised at how prosperous the East African emporia were. In northern Somalia there seem to have been larger coastal trading towns, but hardly any Muslims lived there; Ibn Battuta did not even spend the night in Zeila because it is said to have stank of fish and camel blood there. In the following years Mogadishu fell behind compared to the more southern emporia. Nevertheless, Zheng He's fleet visited Mogadishu at the beginning of the 15th century, where the famous Chinese admiral received zebras and lions as tribute (Dreyer 2007, 88). In 1415 the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia pushed east to Muslim areas in northwest Somalia, conquered the Sultanate of Ifat (with Harar as its center) and made the local Muslims pay tribute. A new era dawned for East Africa with the first Portuguese caravel in the Indian Ocean. The Portuguese conquered bases around the Indian Ocean and, by force of arms, forced access to the maritime trade network that stretched from South China to Tanzania. Most of the East African emporia came under Portuguese rule, but Mogadishu did not. Somalis contacted Ottoman corsairs to fight the Portuguese; a Portuguese punitive expedition was unsuccessful, only Zeila was plundered in 1517. Between 1540 and 1560 the Sultanate of Adal waged a wealthy, cosmopolitan sultanate (Birnbaum 2002, 36) at war against Ethiopia in order to drive out the Christians who had settled in northwest Somalia and Eritrea for a century. They not only pushed them back beyond the former borders, but also advanced into Ethiopian territory, where they were defeated with Portuguese help6 and European cannons. Around 1580, Somali and East African coastal cities allied against the Portuguese and again asked corsairs for help; the Ottoman captain Ali Bey [succeeded] in a pirate voyage along the East African coast (Rink 2007, 36), which took him to Mozambique. A mixed fleet drove the Portuguese from many coastal towns. Thereupon Portugal moved armed ships from India to East Africa, and the coastal cities were quickly conquered. In the second third of the 17th century, a new sea power appeared on the north-western Indian Ocean: the Sultanate of Oman. A long and bitter war between the Estado da ndia and Oman followed (Barendse 2002, 16), which ended with a victory for Oman over the Portuguese 7. In 1698 Mogadishu was occupied by Omanis, who also undertook pirate trips into the Red Sea; When they saw that the city had lost its Arab character, they withdrew, but demanded (and received) tribute payments. Due to a civil war (1720-1746) and an attack by the Persians on Oman, the Omani presence in East Africa decreased, but by 1750 the Omanis were back. In 1785 they took control of Kilwa and installed governors in port cities. When the Sultan moved from Oman to Zanzibar in 1840, from where he exercised loose control over Mogadishu, a new wave of European conquerors could be seen on the horizon over the monsoon sea.
1.2 THE STORY
Since the discovery of the camels, men have fought over them (Somali proverb).
is 3,300 km long (2,000 km on the Indian Ocean), the longest in Africa. Land of Somalia's KsteBRD, but was only inhabited by about 6.3 million people in 2001. The south, three times as big as the former Im in the river gorges of the Juba and Shebelle, is farmed because (mostly) enough rain falls; in 1989 about 25% of the population lived here. In central and northern Somalia and west of the Juba the rainfall is insufficient for sedentary agriculture; About 60% of Somalis are nomadic or semi-nomadic pasture herders who raise cattle, camels, sheep and goats (UNEP 2005, 12) and hike in the rhythm of the seasons (from January to March and from July to September there is no rain) and use water and grazing grounds search. In Northern Somalia in particular, rainfall varies from year to year 8 and from season to season. Although the annual cycle of two dry and two rainy seasons occurs regularly, the migration routes of the nomads are not stable (Khazanov 1994, 57). The rest of the population lives in cities9. The nomads speak Maxaatiri, the official language of Somalia, the sedentary Maayi (who relate to each other like Portuguese and Spanish).
The son of Vasco da Gamas happened to be in Ethiopia with troops and equipment. He was looking for the legendary King of the Priests, John, to unite with him in a holy war against the Muslims. European Christians had previously looked for John with the Mongols, but when it turned out that the Mongols were not Catholics, only Ethiopia remained as a Christian empire with John as the leader outside of Europe. Portuguese captains and leaders who had bought their office saw their personal skins swim away and covered the coast from Zanzibar to the Gulf of Aden with maritime plundering (MPZs) so that their investments could be amortized by loot, no wonder the local population gave the Portuguese to them support failed. The range of variation in the amount of precipitation is considerable. During the rainy season there is no rain at irregular intervals and a drought covers the country, more rarely it does not rain for two or three rainy seasons. Sometimes torrential rains and floods follow a drought. All population figures are to be viewed with caution; there is no precise information. In addition, at least one million Somalis live in exile, the population in the cities (especially in Mogadishu) swells and decreases with the rhythm of erupting fighting, and in the event of a drought Somalis flee from the country to the capital or abroad.
When the first Muslim traders sailed to Mogadishu, different population groups lived in Somalia. In the south, the mobile Reewin (Rahanweyn) raised cattle and cultivated grain. Beside them, Bantus who had immigrated from the south to Somalia and where it was too inhospitable to farm lived hunters, fishermen and gatherers lived. Northern Somalia was inhabited by mobile communities that combined the cultivation of grain and livestock.
- EXCURSUS: SET NOMADIC CLANS ...
Only hopeless poverty can induce a nomad to cultivate the soil. As soon as he has provided for cattle, he immediately throws away the clumsy spade with which he tilled the ground instead of a plow and becomes nomadic again (a Russian ethnologist, 19th century).
Somalia is one of the few countries in the world where nomads make up the majority of the population. The society of Somalia and its social and political dynamics was (and is) shaped by nomadic social structures that seem strange to settled people (i.e. the overwhelming majority of today's global population). The Somali nomads belong to four differently branched and large clan families (CFs): the Dir, Darod (the largest CF), Hawiye and Isaq, plus two other CFs, the Digil and the Reewin, mostly sedentary farmers and pastoralists (pastoralists). Each CF traces its existence back to a (mythical) founding father who is said to have lived up to thirty generations ago, so Somali nomads live in societies that are structured along kinship lines10. A CF consists of (different numbers) clans that go back up to twenty generations. Clans are too big for everyday social practice; the first points of reference for an individual are his subclan (SC, up to ten generations old), his sub-subclan and his dia-paying group (dpG). This consists of related men (women are excluded from membership), who are bound by contracts (heer11), in which in particular the joint payment and collection of blood money (in Somali dia) in conflicts with other groups is regulated: it includes a few hundred to several thousand people. The foundation of nomadic society is made up of nuclear families who migrate together. Despite or because of their involvement in rigid family structures, the nomads are inspired by an urge for independence, which is glorified in music and poetry, and only under extreme external conditions, for example during conflicts, do small units join together to form larger clan groups (Little 2003, 49). Every clan has a patriarchal12 structure. The parentage from the father determines the clan and SC membership, marriage is exogamous: wives change from their father's SC to that of their husbands13, but actually remain associated with their SC. Everyday life is determined by a double division of labor: the usual one between men and women14 and another between men, boys15 and unmarried men have the camel herds (cattle in the south), the basis of the nomads' prosperity, and migrate on different routes than their families are traveling with small animals and some transport camels.Young men work for free; Social advancement is about marriage, children and gradual work. That doesn't look very exotic at first glance, after all, every person is related to other people through their parents and siblings. In sedentary communities and societies, however, the larger they are, the more kinship is only one social characteristic among many that only plays a minor role in politics, economics and in large parts of the everyday social life of most people. This is fundamentally different with nomads and therefore so difficult to understand for a typical western city dweller who hardly feels connected to the brother of the niece of his uncle's sister, his everyday life in the nuclear family (where it still exists) and with work colleagues, friends or Spends acquaintances and delegates political decisions to strangers. The army has a twofold character: on the one hand, it comprises contracts that only apply to the signatories, and on the other hand, the entirety of all nomadic traditions and rules regulating penalties for rape, insults, murder, inadmissible marriages and other things. In general, the birth of a boy is celebrated by slaughtering two animals, while for a girl only one is slaughtered or none at all. For a murdered man, double the compensation [dia] is paid as for a murdered woman (Gardner / El Bushra 2010, 9). Traditional values are instilled in girls at a young age; One of the key messages is that girls should eat less, lower their voices and avert their gaze, and give preference to boys over girls (Dini 2008, 89). The age and status of women can be read from the hairstyle (Ibrahim 2004, 31); married women cover their hair with a black scarf, but do not veil themselves. Women are excluded from all decisions that go beyond the nuclear family, even if they are consulted informally. The wife remained in the mother's SC until the birth of the first child and did not take the husband's name after she moved. The significant relationship a Somali woman has with her mother and sister (Ahmed 1995b, 172) is rarely mentioned, as Europeans usually defined women as wives; often the emotional bond between sisters or mothers and daughters is closer than that with the husband, especially where polygamy is practiced. First and foremost, women raise the children and are responsible for the household. They cook, collect firewood, produce ghee, meat and milk for their own consumption and for sale in local markets and make the mobile housing, a round hut made of grass mats and a barley from sten (aqal). They are responsible for transporting the household when hiking. When boys are six years old, they join their nephews and brothers to look after the camels in distant pastures (Ibrahim 2004, 32); from the same age, girls tend to have the sheep that graze near the aqal. When girls hit puberty, they learn to run a household and start making their own aqal.
accumulation of wealth and reputation coupled. Young men defended themselves against these shackles by breaking out of their role under a charismatic leader and undertaking plundering (PZs) or going to war and making booty an accepted shortcut to fame and fortune (and women). Nomadic groups thus remained defensible and cultivated a certain warrior ideal16. Migrating groups join forces temporarily, their structures of authority are informal at every level of the nomadic social structure and mostly tied to age and experience. With a few exceptions, a hierarchical pattern of authority is alien to the pastoral society of Somalis, which in its usual decision-making processes is so democratic17 that it almost borders on anarchy (Lewis 2002, 10); Individuality, equality and a lack of institutionalization are the special characteristics (Bongartz 1991, 18) of nomadic society. Equality between men is deeply rooted, and prosperity in itself is not a differentiating factor. SC members have rights to camels, livestock and property of relatives within certain rules, although there is no common property. Differences in private prosperity were not uncommon, but reciprocal solidarity and reciprocal relationships within the framework of the extended family association prevented, as there were serious processes of poverty or impoverishment (Labahn 1990, 155). All Somalis are Muslims (Sunnis), but often follow a mystical-magical Islam, organized in Sufi brotherhoods and venerated saints. Appointed people turned away from clan life and became sheikhs, religious scholars who imparted knowledge, led prayers, held courts and mediated in conflicts; some Sufi brotherhoods founded their own, clanless villages in the 19th century. Every clan accepted Islamic law, but in nomadic custom and contract law, it is not the individual who is responsible for his (evil) deeds, but his family group or dpG, so that Islamic law, which punishes individual misconduct, often cannot be applied. There is no individual liability18, only collective responsibility19. Only within stable solidarity groups can effective sanctions
When the famous poet Ali Dhuux stole camels from a few devout men and was severely scolded by his clan, he wrote a poem in his defense in which he pointed out that stealing camels would be entirely honorable. During conflicts, a man who took part in killing and looting was usually admired and praised, while a proponent of peace was despised and written off as weak and worthless (Gardner / El Bushra 2004, 11). (Not only) Lewis falls into a strange contradiction here: how can a community be democratic in which half the population has nothing to say? This social behavior describes a welcoming ritual aptly: one asks: is there peace? Whereupon there is peace! is answered. Then who are you asked, but a person addressed does not answer by name, but by naming his clan and PC, so that it is clarified whether peaceful relations are maintained with one another. Compared to other CFs, your own CF is in the foreground, compared to other clans your own clan, compared to other PCs (including your own clan) your own PC; In the event of conflicts between SCs, solidarities can arise that thwart membership of CFs and clans. No nomad has a fixed identity, but this changes depending on the context and conflict (with nomad women it is even more complicated). This structure provides a certain protection for a wife from domestic violence: even though she does not live in her PC, the latter makes sure that she is treated well. Clan identity worked like life insurance (Elmi 2010, 33): it protects against violence through the threat of counter-violence.
against a lawbreaker (Hhne 2002, 21). Conflicts with dpGs, SCs and clans were settled at a meeting, a shir. Elders, sultans20 and sheikhs could get involved and mediate, but their contributions were not binding. If no agreement was reached on a shir, the law of the strongest and the law of blood revenge prevailed; if a spiral of violence and counter-violence starts, it is difficult to stop. Conflicts could lead to weaker PCs being forced into bondage (or slavery) (minoritre PCs therefore had to find strong allies). Often the common affiliation to the Islamic community and connections to SCs of wives and mothers softened the irreconcilability with which conflicting parties faced one another: social peace was embedded in a complicated network in which patrilineal descent, military strength, local agreements, the army , Islamic law, the authority of the elders and the mediation of sheikhs created a balance precisely because of the inherent contradictions. All Somali clans kept slaves and dependents; and there was a sort of caste of untouchable or unclean (sab) hunters and fishermen, metalworkers and shoemakers. Somali society is pervaded by a nomadic arrogance that borders on racism: sedentary, black Africans and the descendants of slaves are degraded to less equal people, while nomads stylize themselves as noble people21.- When it rained enough , the pastoralists in the south lived peacefully side by side in the time of the Prophet; if it did not rain, the oldest clan or SC would have privileged access to water points and the best land (when the old one was exhausted). As a result, individual groups emigrated to areas where they established themselves as the oldest. Initially, this process was very slow; however, two factors increased its speed: (1) an increase in population and (2) the introduction of the camel to Sdsomalia (Kusow 1995, 99) around the middle of the seventh century. The camel, a new means of production, induced huge changes (in the long run). Proto-Hawiye moved north, displacing populations who did not own camels and, in order to make the most of the dry climate, switched from pastoralism to real nomadism the nomads Arabized under the influence of Muslim migrants, embraced Islam and the opinion developed that pastoral nomadism was somehow particularly noble (Ehret 1995, 250). At the same time, the average annual rainfall decreased. Because fewer people were now able to live on the land, the direction of migration was reversed: those who had come to the north as pastoralists headed south again as nomads22. First Darod and Dir wandered west and south, followed by Isaq. During their migration, they displaced other populations or pushed them ahead of them, so that they in turn displaced others. Migration accelerated in the 15th and 16th centuries, when Ethiopia and the sultanates of Ifat and Adal were at war in the north. Most of the Bantus were driven to Kenya; in addition to the Reewin and the Digil, new clans and CFs settled in the fertile river valleys and in Sdsomalia, with many of those who had since settled there again being driven out or enslaved; only on the coastal strip south of Kismayo remained non-Somali population groups. The Hawiye overthrew the ruling dynasty in Mogadishu in the early 17th century and spread along the coast north of the city and northwest of the Juba. The nomadic settlement of the south exported the clan ideology to the cities and agricultural areas; an urban nomadic culture emerged in the cities. It was not until the middle of the 19th century that the clan settlement pattern emerged that can be observed roughly today.
Sultans, nominally clan or SC chiefs, generally had little authority, even if the office was hereditary; their position corresponded roughly to that of the Queen in England. A sultan is, so to speak, a permanently elected elder. Where nomads met settled farmers, they usually felt superior to them. This may have something to do with the fact that nomads cultivated a male warrior ethic and were proud of their independence, virtues that they missed in settled people. In addition to the contrast between the sedentary and nomads, Somalia also saw the racist devaluation of black Africans, compared to whom the Somali nomads felt like Arabs. When clans in British Somaliland complained that they were being treated like Africans when they were Arabs, the British invented a third category between whites and blacks. The reconstruction of the history of the nomads of Somalia is controversial. There are (almost) no written sources as the nomadic culture was an oral one; Only traditional genealogies and legends are available, which are supplemented by linguistic research and excavations. Usually the nomadic story is told differently: the nomadic CFs have always lived in the north and conquered the south over the centuries, displacing everyone they encountered along the way during their expansion. This theory, which nomadizes Somalia's history, is accused by some post-colonial critics of a colonialist and orientalist view of history, as it de-Africanizes Somalia, glorifies the raids of nomadic warriors and takes the legends of nomadic men at face value (and withholds those of women). Complicating the dispute is the fact that official Somalia (until 1991) tended to emphasize its nomadic heritage in consensus with European historians (such as Lewis 2002) and ethnologists.
Between 1800 and 1890, wealthy Somalis imported around 50,000 black slaves from Zanzibar, who were supposed to grow grain and cotton for export in the Shebelle valleys23. The Juba valley remained relatively untouched (the TseTse fly was endemic there), but from 1840 it became a refuge for slaves who had fled and were released; around the turn of the millennium there were 40,000 ex-slaves, the number of which almost doubled when the Italians abolished slavery. The ex-slaves imitated the nomadic clan ideology and organized themselves into clans. They are called gosha or jareer by the nomads, jareer being a term that implies an African appearance and an inferior and stigmatized status (Besteman 1995, 48).
1.3 COLONIAL HISTORY
For a stolen camel / you kill dozens of compatriots / and yet you don't throw a stone / for the liberation of your motherland (Somali poem).
In 814 Mogadishu rebelled against the Sultan in Zanzibar, was bombed by Omanis in 1828 and surrendered. The Sultanate of Obbia had formed north of Mogadishu, and the Sultanate of Majertein on the Horn of Africa. Both feuded, monopolized regional trade, and plundered ships that stranded or were in distress. Berbera had sunk to a provincial nest that was nominally part of the Turkish Empire, but was practically ruled by a local SC of the Isaq. In 1839 the Sultan of Majertein signed a friendship treaty with the British, in the same year the British East India Company (EIC) conquered Aden, which was declared a crown colony in 1858 (Wende 2008, 281); The British signed treaties with Oman and Zanzibar to secure the sea routes to India. The Suez Canal was completed in 1869. When Egypt threatened to go bankrupt, the British interfered in the country's internal affairs under the pretext of safeguarding the interests of European creditors. On the other hand, parts of the Egyptian army rebelled, whereupon Great Britain occupied the country without converting it into a colony. After the opening of the Suez Canal, Egypt had expanded southwards and renewed Ottoman control over Berbera and its hinterland. The British recognized Egypt's sovereignty over north-western Somalia in 1877, which should not have been particularly difficult for them since they controlled Egypt. France and Italy secured ports on the Red Sea north of Berbera24. When the Mahdi revolt broke out in Sudan in 1884, Egypt fled north-west Somalia and left the region to itself. The British sent vice consuls to ensure that Aden was supplied with meat. In 1885 Italy announced that Eritrea was under its protection; three years later England and France agreed on borders between their protectorates Djibouti and British Somaliland. While European rule was being expanded, Ethiopian Stotrupps carried out PZs on Somali clan territory; In exchange for trade concessions and a peace treaty, the British allowed Ethiopia to claim control of the Ogaden, where many Somalis grazed their cattle. In the south, the British East Africa Company had rented the region around Mogadishu and Kismayo from the Sultan in Zanzibar; In 1871 he had set up a military outpost in Mogadishu and had a fortress built two years later. In 1889 the British rented the coastal towns to the Royal Italian East African Company, three years later they paid tribute to the Sultan (until 1905); the area south of the Juba in 1895 the British declared a colony. In the same year the Italian consul in Zanzibar signed treaties with the sultanates of Obbia and Majertein in which they recognized the protection and government (Lewis 2002, 51) of Italy. On January 13, 1905, Italy bought Sdsomalia and acquired the right to trade in Kismayo, England, a little later the Bimal, a Dir clan, rebelled, besides raising cattle, also farming, taking care of slaves for them because the Italians abolished slavery. The nomads were defeated only after three years. By 1914 Italy had pacified the hinterland of Mogadishu to some extent. In 1911 a law was passed that land that was not cultivated by locals was owned by the state; however, it was only used in the fertile areas where it was worthwhile to grow export products.
- PATTERN CAREERS: THE SAYYID THE FIRST FLARE OF A SOMALI NATIONALISM
For England! For the home! For booty! (Russell Crowe as Jack Aubrey boarding in Master and Commander).
Shortly before the turn of the century in northern Somalia, a sheikh from the Darod Sayyid clan Muhammad Abdille Hassan, the crazy mullah, as the colonial rulers called him, declared a jihd25 against the infidels. He wrote (on-
The slave trade and plantation economy had no future. Rather, East Africa experienced an abrupt economic break. Its economic growth in the 19th century only proved to be a malicious form of underdevelopment (Iliffe 2000, 249) which contributed to the fact that many slaves were released in Somalia. In 1869 an Italian company bought a port city on the coast of Eritrea. Attempts to expand Italian rule into the Ethiopian hinterland led to wars with Ethiopia; in the second (1896) Italy was crushed, which is why Ethiopia remained independent. The British Consul for Somaliland received a letter from the Sayyid on September 1, 1899, in which the Sayyid complained that the British were hindering the practice of Islam and suppressing Muslims. He gave the English a choice: if you want war, accept
defiant) poems, represented a rigid Islam 26 he put Islamic law above clan traditions and fought magic, mysticism and saints cults and combined his religious convictions with a pansomal, anti-colonial agenda. His call to arms fell on fertile ground in many places, but his religious beliefs were shared by only a few. Some Somali Muslims even turned to scholars in Mecca to condemn the religious beliefs of the Sayyid. In fact, they wrote back a letter asking the Sayyid to revoke his hetical views. When a qdi read him the letter, he had him executed without further ado. The rebels (the dervishes) received weapons via Djibouti and the Majertein and attacked caravans in the Ogaden. When Ethiopia reacted and attacked (uninvolved) nomadic groups, the rebels attacked Ethiopian outposts, attacked Isaq groups and captured many camels, whereupon the attacked retreated to British Somaliland, which in turn prompted the British authorities to intervene. The movement spread quickly and paralyzed regional trade; The rebels avoided fighting with superior forces and, depending on the situation, withdrew to Ethiopian, English or Italian territory. In March 1903 the dervishes managed to establish themselves on the coast near Eyl. In 1909 the Sayyid undertook PZs on British territory, and a year later the British distributed weapons to the Isaq to ward off the rebels. They assumed that the Sayyid would be a normal clan leader and that enemy clans would drive him out. However, the Isaq did not even think of going on the offensive against the rebels, although some Isaq clans had been attacked and plundered, but instead used their weapons in internal disputes. In 1913 the British sent troops into the hinterland. Both sides suffered heavy losses, the rebels launched new PZs and attacked the Sultanate of Majertein, which then turned to Italy for help 27. During the First World War, the Sayyid was supported by Turkey and Germany. In 1919 the British undertook the decisive inland campaign and expanded their rule over north-western Somalia. A year later the Sayyid died and the revolt was over, during which a third of Somaliland's population had died. To this day, the Sayyid is revered as a national hero in Somalia (although not by all clans), his poems are part of Somalia's cultural heritage, and in some places he is considered a saint.- On December 5, 1923 a new Italian consul arrived in South Somalia Fascist dyed in the wool. A few weeks later the collection of private weapons began; when some Hawiye refused, they were forced. In July 1924 the British gave the Italians the area south of the Juba, in which there had been repeated rebellions; a year later, Kismayo and the surrounding area were formally annexed by Italy. Also in the summer of 1924, Mussolini gave the order to invade Obbia. Some of the sultan's supporters rebelled, inflicting two defeats on the Italians. Thereupon the Italians armed those Hawiye from Sd-Obbia (opponent of the ex-sultan), which they had disarmed shortly before; they defeated the rebels for Italy. In November 1927 the Sultanate of Majertein also surrendered after lengthy fighting. So that Somalia did not develop into a loss-making business, Italian companies had bananas, cotton, sesame and sugar cane grown, but the fascists had to pour in more money on a regular basis. They struggled to find workers to labor on the plantations, 28 so they hired slave labor, using ex-slaves and their descendants. In 1928, Ethiopia and Italy signed a friendship treaty. Nevertheless, the fascists attacked Ethiopia on October 3, 1935 and reacted to resistance with brutal violence: I authorize Your Excellency once again to systematically begin a policy of terror and extermination against the rebels and the complicit population, Mussolini said personally to his Lieutenants in Addis Ababa (quoted in Mattioli 2007, 75); This strategy included the use of poison gas and the air force against the civilian population and the poisoning of water sources. After the outbreak of World War II, Italy occupied British Somaliland, and for a short time Mussolini bristled with a pan-East African colony. However, England struck back quickly: British troops captured Mogadishu in February 1941, where they were welcomed by many as liberators, in April of Addis Ababa, and the last Italian flag was overtaken in East Africa on November 27, 1941.
let's do that; but if you want peace, then pay the fine (quoted in Lewis 2002, 70). Of course, the English did not bow to this blackmail. Sayyid's seemingly Islamic fury did not arise out of nowhere. As early as 1819, a sheikh in a town on the Juba had banned the consumption of tobacco, public meetings between the sexes and the trade in ivory because elephants were unclean. It was only after some time that the rebellious city was captured and burned by the sultan's troops; all residents were killed or fled (Lewis 2008, 19). The Sultan of Majertein, who was bound by treaty to the Italians, has been maneuvering between cooperation with Italy and anti-European politics since the beginning of the uprising. Several times (1901, 1903 and 1909) Italian ships bombed places on the coast in order to drive out the Sultan's aspirations for autonomy and anti-Italian behavior. The elders of the sedentary and gosha SCs tried to discourage young men from doing wage labor because they feared that wage workers would evade their authority and, with the money they saved, drive up the local bride prices, which resulted in a social differentiation they did not want would have.
- EXCURSUS: NOMADIC CLANS IN TRANSITION
A Korean pretending to be a Muslim had turned up in the capital, alone and unannounced. Although he did not speak a word of Somali, he managed to find accommodation (). On the twelfth day in Puntland, a group of men armed with rifles pestered him in broad daylight while he was walking unarmed (). The Korean managed to fight his way free and flee. He made it a few meters before one of the irritated would-be hostage takers casually shot him in the leg (Jay Bahadur: Deadly Waters).
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